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The hardships resulting from Russia’s participation in World War I (1914-1918) was a principal cause of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Bolshevik faction of the revolutionaries, led by Vladimir I. Lenin, opposed the war as an imperialist war, and after seizing power sued for peace. American journalist John Reed in his famous account of the revolution, Ten Days That Shook the World (1919), captured the drama of Lenin’s first appearance on November 8 at the Second Congress of Soviets. Lenin issued a proclamation on behalf of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government for a “just and democratic peace.” The following is Reed’s account of Lenin’s speech as it appeared in Ten Days That Shook the World.
From Ten Days That Shook the World
By John Reed
It was just 8:40 when a thundering wave of cheers announced the entrance of the presidium, with Lenin—great Lenin—among them. A short, stocky figure, with a big head set down on his shoulders, bald and bulging. Little eyes, a snubbish nose, wide generous mouth, and heavy chin; clean-shaven now but already beginning to bristle with the well-known beard of his past and future. Dressed in shabby clothes, his trousers much too long for him. Unimpressive, to be the idol of a mob, loved and revered as perhaps few leaders in history have been. A strange popular leader—a leader purely by virtue of intellect; colorless, humorless, uncompromising and detached, without picturesque idiosyncrasies—but with the power of explaining profound ideas in simple terms, of analyzing a concrete situation. And combined with shrewdness, the greatest intellectual audacity.
Kameniev [a Bolshevik representative] was reading the report of the actions of the Military Revolutionary Committee; abolition of capital punishment in the Army, restoration of the free right of propaganda, release of officers and soldiers arrested for political crimes, orders to arrest Kerensky and confiscation of food supplies in private storehouses.… Tremendous applause.
Again the representative of the Bund. The uncompromising attitude of the Bolsheviki [the majority group in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party] would mean the crushing of the Revolution; therefore, the Bund delegates must refuse any longer to sit in the Congress. Cries from the audience, "We thought you walked out last night! How many more times are you going to walk out?"
Then the representative of the Mensheviki Internationalists [the minority group of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party]. Shouts "What! You here still?" The speaker explained that only part of the Mensheviki Internationalists left the Congress; the rest were going to stay—
"We consider it dangerous and perhaps even mortal for the Revolution to transfer the power to the Soviets"—interruptions—"but we feel it our duty to remain in the Congress and vote against the transfer here!"
Other speakers followed, apparently without any order. A delegate of the coal-miners of the Don Basin called upon the Congress to take measures against Kaledin, who might cut off coal and food from the capital. Several soldiers just arrived from the front brought the enthusiastic greetings of their regiments.… Now Lenin, gripping the edge of the reading stand, letting his little winking eyes travel over the crowd as he stood there waiting, apparently oblivious to the long-rolling ovation, which lasted several minutes. When it finished, he said simply, "We shall now proceed to construct the Socialist order!" Again that overwhelming human roar.
"The first thing is the adoption of practical measures to realize peace.… We shall offer peace to the peoples of all the belligerent countries upon the basis of the Soviet terms—no annexations, no indemnities, and the right of self-determination of peoples. At the same time, according to our promise, we shall publish and repudiate the secret treaties.… The question of War and Peace is so clear that I think that I may, without preamble, read the project of a Proclamation to the Peoples of All the Belligerent Countries.…"
His great mouth, seeming to smile, opened wide as he spoke; his voice was hoarse—not unpleasantly so, but as if it had hardened that way after years and years of speaking—and went on monotonously, with the effect of being able to go on for ever.… For emphasis he bent forward slightly. No gestures. And before him, a thousand simple faces looking up in intent adoration.
Proclamation To The Peoples And Governments Of All The Belligerent Nations
The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of 6 and 7 November and based on the Soviet of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, proposes to all the belligerent peoples and to their Governments to begin immediately negotiations for a just and democratic peace.
The Government means by a just and democratic peace, which is desired by the majority of the workers and the laboring classes, exhausted and depleted by the war—that peace which the Russian workers and peasants, after having struck down the Czarist monarchy, have not ceased to demand categorically—immediate peace without annexations (that is to say without conquest of foreign territory, without forcible annexation of other nationalities), and without indemnities.
The Government of Russia proposes to all the belligerent peoples immediately to conclude such a peace, by showing themselves willing to enter upon decisive steps of negotiations aiming at such a peace, at once, without the slightest delay, before the definitive ratification of all the conditions of such a peace by the authorized assemblies of the peoples of all countries and of all nationalities.
By annexation or conquest of foreign territory the Government means—conformably to the conception of democratic rights in general, and the rights of the working class in particular—all union to a great and strong State of a small or weak nationality, without the voluntary, clear, and precise expression of its consent and desire; whatever be the moment when such an annexation by force was accomplished, whatever be the degree of civilization of the nation annexed by force or maintained outside the frontiers of another State, no matter if that nation be in Europe or in the far countries across the sea.
If any nation is retained by force within the limits of another State; if, in spite of the desire expressed by it (it matters little if that desire be expressed by the press, by popular meetings, decisions of political parties, or by disorders and riots against national oppression), that nation is not given the right of deciding by free vote—without the slightest constraint, after the complete departure of the armed forces of the nation which has annexed it or wishes to annex it or is stronger in general—the form of its national and political organization, such a union constitutes an annexation—that is to say, conquest and an act of violence.
To continue their war in order to permit the strong and rich nations to divide among themselves the weak and conquered nationalities is considered by the Government the greatest possible crime against humanity, and the Government solemnly proclaims its decision to sign a treaty of peace which will put an end to this war upon the above conditions, equally fair for all nationalities without exception.
The Government abolishes secret diplomacy, expressing before the whole country its firm decision to conduct all the negotiations in the light of day before the people, and will proceed immediately to the full publication of all secret treaties confirmed or concluded by the Government of the landowners and capitalists from March until 7 November 1917. All the clauses of the secret treaties which, as occur in the majority of cases, have for their object to procure advantages and privileges for Russian imperialists, are denounced by the Government immediately and without discussion.
In proposing to all Governments and all peoples to engage in public negotiations for peace, the Government declares itself ready to carry on these negotiations by telegraph, by post, or by pourparlers [discussions] between the different countries, or at a conference of these representatives. To facilitate these pourparlers, the Government appoints its authorized representatives in the neutral countries.
The Government proposes to all the governments and to all the peoples of all the belligerent countries to conclude an immediate armistice, at the same time suggesting that the armistice ought to last three months, during which time it is perfectly possible, not only to hold the necessary pourparlers between the representatives of all the nations and nationalities without exception drawn into the war or forced to take part in it, but also to convoke authorized assemblies of representatives of the people of all countries, for the purpose of the definite acceptance of the conditions of peace.
In addressing this offer of peace to the Governments and to the peoples of all the belligerent countries, the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Russia addresses equally and in particular the conscious workers of the three nations most devoted to humanity and the three most important nations among those taking part in the present war—England, France, and Germany. The workers of these countries have rendered the greatest services to the cause of progress and Socialism. The splendid examples of the Chartist movement in England, the series of revolutions, of world-wide historical significance, accomplished by the French proletariat—and finally, in Germany, the historic struggle against the Laws of Exception, an example for the workers of the whole world of prolonged and stubborn action, and the creation of formidable organizations of German proletarians—all these models of proletarian heroism, these monuments of history, are for us a sure guarantee that the workers of these countries will understand the duty imposed upon them to liberate humanity from the horrors and consequences of war; and that these workers, by decisive, energetic, and continued action, will help us to bring to a successful conclusion the cause of peace—and at the same time, the cause of the liberation of the exploited working masses from all slavery and all exploitation.
When the grave thunder of applause had died away, Lenin spoke again:
"We propose to the Congress to ratify this declaration. We address ourselves to the Governments as well as to the peoples, for a declaration which would be addressed only to the peoples of the belligerent countries might delay the conclusion of peace. The conditions of peace, drawn up during the armistice, will be ratified by the Constituent Assembly. In fixing the duration of the armistice at three months, we desire to give to the peoples as long a rest as possible after this bloody extermination, and ample time for them to elect their representatives. This proposal of peace will meet with resistance on the part of the imperialist governments—we don't fool ourselves on that score. But we hope that revolution will soon break out in all the belligerent countries; that is why we address ourselves to the workers of France, England, and Germany.…
"The revolution of 6 and 7 November," he ended, "has opened the era of the Social Revolution.… The labor movement, in the name of peace and Socialism, shall win, and fulfill its destiny.…"
There was something quiet and powerful in all this, which stirred the souls of men. It was understandable why people believed when Lenin spoke.…
By crowd vote it was quickly decided that only representatives of political factions should be allowed to speak on the motion and that speakers should be limited to fifteen minutes.
First Karelin for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. "Our faction had no opportunity to propose amendments to the text of the proclamation; it is a private document of the Bolsheviki. But we will vote for it because we agree with its spirit.…"
For the Social Democrat Internationalists Kramarov, long, stoop-shouldered, and near-sighted—destined to achieve some notoriety as the Clown of the Opposition. Only a Government composed of all the Socialist parties, he said, could possess the authority to take such important action. If a Socialist coalition was formed, his faction would support the entire program; if not, only part of it. As for the proclamation, the Internationalists were in thorough accord with its main points.…
Then one after another, amid rising enthusiasm; Ukrainian Social Democracy, support; Lithuanian Social Democracy, support; Populist Socialists, support; Polish Social Democracy, support; Polish Socialists, support—but would prefer a Socialist coalition; Lettish Social Democracy, support.… Something was kindled in these men. One spoke of the "coming World-Revolution, of which we are the advance-guard"; another of "the new age of brotherhood, when all the peoples will become one great family.…" An individual member claimed the floor. "There is contradiction here," he said. "First you offer peace without annexations and indemnities, and then you say you will consider all peace offers. To consider means to accept.…"
Lenin was on his feet. "We want a just peace, but we are not afraid of a revolutionary war.… Probably the imperialist Governments will not answer our appeal—but we shall not issue an ultimatum to which it will be easy to say no.… If the German proletariat realizes that we are ready to consider all offers of peace, that will perhaps be the last drop which overflows the bowl—revolution will break out in Germany.…
"We consent to examine all conditions of peace, but that doesn't mean that we shall accept them.… For some of our terms we shall fight to the end—but possibly for others will find it impossible to continue the war.… Above all, we want to finish the war.…"
It was exactly 10:35 when Kameniev asked all in favor of the proclamation to hold up their cards. One delegate dared to raise his hand against, but the sudden outburst around him brought it swiftly down.… Unanimous.
Source: Reed, John. The Collected Works of John Reed. New York: Random House, 1995.
From Ten Days That Shook the World
By John Reed
It was just 8:40 when a thundering wave of cheers announced the entrance of the presidium, with Lenin—great Lenin—among them. A short, stocky figure, with a big head set down on his shoulders, bald and bulging. Little eyes, a snubbish nose, wide generous mouth, and heavy chin; clean-shaven now but already beginning to bristle with the well-known beard of his past and future. Dressed in shabby clothes, his trousers much too long for him. Unimpressive, to be the idol of a mob, loved and revered as perhaps few leaders in history have been. A strange popular leader—a leader purely by virtue of intellect; colorless, humorless, uncompromising and detached, without picturesque idiosyncrasies—but with the power of explaining profound ideas in simple terms, of analyzing a concrete situation. And combined with shrewdness, the greatest intellectual audacity.
Kameniev [a Bolshevik representative] was reading the report of the actions of the Military Revolutionary Committee; abolition of capital punishment in the Army, restoration of the free right of propaganda, release of officers and soldiers arrested for political crimes, orders to arrest Kerensky and confiscation of food supplies in private storehouses.… Tremendous applause.
Again the representative of the Bund. The uncompromising attitude of the Bolsheviki [the majority group in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party] would mean the crushing of the Revolution; therefore, the Bund delegates must refuse any longer to sit in the Congress. Cries from the audience, "We thought you walked out last night! How many more times are you going to walk out?"
Then the representative of the Mensheviki Internationalists [the minority group of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party]. Shouts "What! You here still?" The speaker explained that only part of the Mensheviki Internationalists left the Congress; the rest were going to stay—
"We consider it dangerous and perhaps even mortal for the Revolution to transfer the power to the Soviets"—interruptions—"but we feel it our duty to remain in the Congress and vote against the transfer here!"
Other speakers followed, apparently without any order. A delegate of the coal-miners of the Don Basin called upon the Congress to take measures against Kaledin, who might cut off coal and food from the capital. Several soldiers just arrived from the front brought the enthusiastic greetings of their regiments.… Now Lenin, gripping the edge of the reading stand, letting his little winking eyes travel over the crowd as he stood there waiting, apparently oblivious to the long-rolling ovation, which lasted several minutes. When it finished, he said simply, "We shall now proceed to construct the Socialist order!" Again that overwhelming human roar.
"The first thing is the adoption of practical measures to realize peace.… We shall offer peace to the peoples of all the belligerent countries upon the basis of the Soviet terms—no annexations, no indemnities, and the right of self-determination of peoples. At the same time, according to our promise, we shall publish and repudiate the secret treaties.… The question of War and Peace is so clear that I think that I may, without preamble, read the project of a Proclamation to the Peoples of All the Belligerent Countries.…"
His great mouth, seeming to smile, opened wide as he spoke; his voice was hoarse—not unpleasantly so, but as if it had hardened that way after years and years of speaking—and went on monotonously, with the effect of being able to go on for ever.… For emphasis he bent forward slightly. No gestures. And before him, a thousand simple faces looking up in intent adoration.
Proclamation To The Peoples And Governments Of All The Belligerent Nations
The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of 6 and 7 November and based on the Soviet of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, proposes to all the belligerent peoples and to their Governments to begin immediately negotiations for a just and democratic peace.
The Government means by a just and democratic peace, which is desired by the majority of the workers and the laboring classes, exhausted and depleted by the war—that peace which the Russian workers and peasants, after having struck down the Czarist monarchy, have not ceased to demand categorically—immediate peace without annexations (that is to say without conquest of foreign territory, without forcible annexation of other nationalities), and without indemnities.
The Government of Russia proposes to all the belligerent peoples immediately to conclude such a peace, by showing themselves willing to enter upon decisive steps of negotiations aiming at such a peace, at once, without the slightest delay, before the definitive ratification of all the conditions of such a peace by the authorized assemblies of the peoples of all countries and of all nationalities.
By annexation or conquest of foreign territory the Government means—conformably to the conception of democratic rights in general, and the rights of the working class in particular—all union to a great and strong State of a small or weak nationality, without the voluntary, clear, and precise expression of its consent and desire; whatever be the moment when such an annexation by force was accomplished, whatever be the degree of civilization of the nation annexed by force or maintained outside the frontiers of another State, no matter if that nation be in Europe or in the far countries across the sea.
If any nation is retained by force within the limits of another State; if, in spite of the desire expressed by it (it matters little if that desire be expressed by the press, by popular meetings, decisions of political parties, or by disorders and riots against national oppression), that nation is not given the right of deciding by free vote—without the slightest constraint, after the complete departure of the armed forces of the nation which has annexed it or wishes to annex it or is stronger in general—the form of its national and political organization, such a union constitutes an annexation—that is to say, conquest and an act of violence.
To continue their war in order to permit the strong and rich nations to divide among themselves the weak and conquered nationalities is considered by the Government the greatest possible crime against humanity, and the Government solemnly proclaims its decision to sign a treaty of peace which will put an end to this war upon the above conditions, equally fair for all nationalities without exception.
The Government abolishes secret diplomacy, expressing before the whole country its firm decision to conduct all the negotiations in the light of day before the people, and will proceed immediately to the full publication of all secret treaties confirmed or concluded by the Government of the landowners and capitalists from March until 7 November 1917. All the clauses of the secret treaties which, as occur in the majority of cases, have for their object to procure advantages and privileges for Russian imperialists, are denounced by the Government immediately and without discussion.
In proposing to all Governments and all peoples to engage in public negotiations for peace, the Government declares itself ready to carry on these negotiations by telegraph, by post, or by pourparlers [discussions] between the different countries, or at a conference of these representatives. To facilitate these pourparlers, the Government appoints its authorized representatives in the neutral countries.
The Government proposes to all the governments and to all the peoples of all the belligerent countries to conclude an immediate armistice, at the same time suggesting that the armistice ought to last three months, during which time it is perfectly possible, not only to hold the necessary pourparlers between the representatives of all the nations and nationalities without exception drawn into the war or forced to take part in it, but also to convoke authorized assemblies of representatives of the people of all countries, for the purpose of the definite acceptance of the conditions of peace.
In addressing this offer of peace to the Governments and to the peoples of all the belligerent countries, the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Russia addresses equally and in particular the conscious workers of the three nations most devoted to humanity and the three most important nations among those taking part in the present war—England, France, and Germany. The workers of these countries have rendered the greatest services to the cause of progress and Socialism. The splendid examples of the Chartist movement in England, the series of revolutions, of world-wide historical significance, accomplished by the French proletariat—and finally, in Germany, the historic struggle against the Laws of Exception, an example for the workers of the whole world of prolonged and stubborn action, and the creation of formidable organizations of German proletarians—all these models of proletarian heroism, these monuments of history, are for us a sure guarantee that the workers of these countries will understand the duty imposed upon them to liberate humanity from the horrors and consequences of war; and that these workers, by decisive, energetic, and continued action, will help us to bring to a successful conclusion the cause of peace—and at the same time, the cause of the liberation of the exploited working masses from all slavery and all exploitation.
When the grave thunder of applause had died away, Lenin spoke again:
"We propose to the Congress to ratify this declaration. We address ourselves to the Governments as well as to the peoples, for a declaration which would be addressed only to the peoples of the belligerent countries might delay the conclusion of peace. The conditions of peace, drawn up during the armistice, will be ratified by the Constituent Assembly. In fixing the duration of the armistice at three months, we desire to give to the peoples as long a rest as possible after this bloody extermination, and ample time for them to elect their representatives. This proposal of peace will meet with resistance on the part of the imperialist governments—we don't fool ourselves on that score. But we hope that revolution will soon break out in all the belligerent countries; that is why we address ourselves to the workers of France, England, and Germany.…
"The revolution of 6 and 7 November," he ended, "has opened the era of the Social Revolution.… The labor movement, in the name of peace and Socialism, shall win, and fulfill its destiny.…"
There was something quiet and powerful in all this, which stirred the souls of men. It was understandable why people believed when Lenin spoke.…
By crowd vote it was quickly decided that only representatives of political factions should be allowed to speak on the motion and that speakers should be limited to fifteen minutes.
First Karelin for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. "Our faction had no opportunity to propose amendments to the text of the proclamation; it is a private document of the Bolsheviki. But we will vote for it because we agree with its spirit.…"
For the Social Democrat Internationalists Kramarov, long, stoop-shouldered, and near-sighted—destined to achieve some notoriety as the Clown of the Opposition. Only a Government composed of all the Socialist parties, he said, could possess the authority to take such important action. If a Socialist coalition was formed, his faction would support the entire program; if not, only part of it. As for the proclamation, the Internationalists were in thorough accord with its main points.…
Then one after another, amid rising enthusiasm; Ukrainian Social Democracy, support; Lithuanian Social Democracy, support; Populist Socialists, support; Polish Social Democracy, support; Polish Socialists, support—but would prefer a Socialist coalition; Lettish Social Democracy, support.… Something was kindled in these men. One spoke of the "coming World-Revolution, of which we are the advance-guard"; another of "the new age of brotherhood, when all the peoples will become one great family.…" An individual member claimed the floor. "There is contradiction here," he said. "First you offer peace without annexations and indemnities, and then you say you will consider all peace offers. To consider means to accept.…"
Lenin was on his feet. "We want a just peace, but we are not afraid of a revolutionary war.… Probably the imperialist Governments will not answer our appeal—but we shall not issue an ultimatum to which it will be easy to say no.… If the German proletariat realizes that we are ready to consider all offers of peace, that will perhaps be the last drop which overflows the bowl—revolution will break out in Germany.…
"We consent to examine all conditions of peace, but that doesn't mean that we shall accept them.… For some of our terms we shall fight to the end—but possibly for others will find it impossible to continue the war.… Above all, we want to finish the war.…"
It was exactly 10:35 when Kameniev asked all in favor of the proclamation to hold up their cards. One delegate dared to raise his hand against, but the sudden outburst around him brought it swiftly down.… Unanimous.
Source: Reed, John. The Collected Works of John Reed. New York: Random House, 1995.
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